PART THREE
The Seventeenth Century
Diego Romero y De Ocanto and dona Josefa de Medina Zapata y Telles Giron
Both Diego Romero and Josefa de
Medina came to Rio Arriba New Mexico as children with their parents. Diego
Romero was born circa 1689 at San Lorenzo at Guadalupe del Paso to Salvador
Romero and Maria Lopez de Ocanto who lived the first ten years of their
marriage as refugees at the settlements at El Paso de Norte on the Rio Grande. At
the age of 4 years old. He came with his family in 1693 as part of Governor
Vargas Reconquest
Josefa de Medina’s birth parents are an enigma as she was one of
several orphaned raised by María Zapata Téllez Jirón and Capitán Diego de
Medina who were married 7 February 1694 in Santa Fé, Nuevo México. Her birth
year is given as between 1688 and as late as 1695, which was obviously not
correct. It is not certain whether
Josefa de Medina was a “natural” child of Maria María Zapata Téllez Jirón or
was an orphaned raised by her. In 1698, María Zapata Téllez Jirón testified
that she brought four children with her on her journey to New Mexico in 1693. These four
children were born before she married Capitán Diego de Medina in 1694. These children
names were Maria Rosa born about 1687, Ramon born about 1688, Maria Josefa born
about 1688, and Isidro Jose, born about 1690. They were called Maria Zapata's
orphans in the 1697 “Livestock Distribution and Supplies list” although she was
married to Captain Diego de Medina by then.
These children all adopted the Medina surname.
Both Diego Romero and Josefa de Medina were children
during the resettlement of northern New Mexico by the Spanish but did not grow
up under the exploitive system that was a catalyst for the 1680 Pueblo
Revolt. They most likely were raised in
Santa Fe and Santa Cruz where ever their soldier fathers were stationed.
Governor Vargas established Santa Cruz in 1695 and Albuquerque
was founded in 1707, which were the only villas outside of the capital at Santa
Fe. While the Pueblo Indians settled an uneasy truce with the Spaniards,
hostile nations like the Apache, Ute, Comanche, Navajo, and Hopi still were a
threat during the time of their childhood. Their father’s would have been
absent a lot on military campaigns with their mothers left behind to supervise
house and field Indian servants.
Governor Jose Chacón Medina Salazar y Villaseñor 1707-1712
Life would have been very challenging for a young Diego
Romero growing up in northern New Mexico with his father often away on
campaigns. At a very young age, probably
around 10 he would have been probably already a cadet. He was an 18 year old soldier by the time Jose
Chacón Medina Salazar y Villaseñor was appointed Captain General and
Governor of Santa Fe de Nuevo México in 1707.
Governor Chacon rebuilt the chapel at San Miguel in Santa
Fe, which had been destroyed in the Pueblo uprising of 1680. Under the new governor’s orders, Juan Páez
Hurtado made a military campaign against the Navajo people which Diego Romero
as a young soldier may have participated and in 1712 he confirmed Sebastian
Martin Serrano’s land grant which would become home of many of Diego Romero’s
descendants
Governor Juan Ignacio Flores Mogollon 1712-1715
In 1712, when Diego Romero would have been 23 years
old, Jose Chacón Medina Salazar y Villaseñor was replaced by Juan Ignacio
Flores Mogollon. At the time, he may
have been a soldier as far away as San Pedro south of the Rio Grande which was around
200 miles southwest of El Paso del Norte. He was serving near Chihuahua where was having relations with Ignacia de
Solis.
Juan
Ignacio Flores Mogollon was appointed by King Felipe V of Spain and during his first
year the Suma Indians revolt broke out against the government of New Mexico in
El Paso del Norte. This may have been the reason Diego Romero was sent south to
the Rio Grande.
Between
1713 and 1714, New Mexico was plagued with Indian problems. In August, 1713
some of the soldiers in Santa Fe testified that while they were on a mission
escorting travelers to El Paso del Norte, they were attacked by Apaches. The
governor noted that “loose livestock gave the hostiles a reason for raiding and
decreed that keeping animals together reduced the danger of raids against the
herds.”
Life as a Soldier
A major concern was that of army morale because of the
lack of steady pay. “Petitions asking for back pay can be found in every
administration. In 1713, 1714, and 1715 petitions were submitted to the
governor but when funds from the central government were not available, the
army was simply not paid” and “even had the local government raised the money
by taxation, the tax base undoubtedly was too slight for a self-sustaining
army.” Despite the fact that troops did not get paid regularly, they seemed to
have remained loyal probably due to family relations and continued the fight
against hostile Indians.
Other matters involving the soldiery included problems
like the situation of soldiers' widows. “Since the families of deceased
soldiers were left to the mercy of the government, the Spanish often had to
provide for them until remarriage or removal to New Spain could occur.
Certainly a soldier's widow was confronted with the necessity of remarriage
since neither widow's benefits nor death benefits for soldiers existed.”
An uneasy peace had prevailed for nearly twenty years,
but in 1715 a new state of unrest occured, caused in part by poor conditions
among the natives and in part by the Spanish. The threat of insurrection among
the Pueblos kept the Spanish alert, and in the year 1715 they were particularly
wary. Because of the desperate need for manpower, few residents were permitted
to leave.
In 1715 a muster roll of the Santa Fe garrison showed
one hundred names. However, the number of men in the garrison was variable. The Santa Fe garrison was large to provide for
a more mobile defense unit and in times
of Indian raids the garrison might be reduced to a minimum as a "flying
squad" of horsemen would be dispatched to a trouble spot. “Other
settlements needed fewer soldiers. Albuquerque had six men in 1709, while Santa
Cruz appears to have none.
Law and Order
New Mexico was not a crime-ridden province. The
appearance of a "lawless" society never came about in Spanish New
Mexico. The threat of Indian attacks kept the people armed, thus there was
always a danger of violence. Certainly brawls broke out at cantinas and
occasionally someone was knifed, but almost never shot. Shooting was rare
because the guns themselves were muzzle-loading long-barreled weapons that were
unwieldy to use and were good for one shot a minute, with luck.
More common than guns was the use of knives and clubs.
It was cheaper and easier to use a knife or stick, and usually no one was
killed in the fights that took place. Sentences for scuffles were light, and
generally the victim was compensated for his injuries. Despite a rough frontier
society, New Mexico was more civilized than might be expected.
There seems to be the normal indiscretions among its
citizens. Adultery, rape, and other mistreatment of women, along with
occasional murders was committed. Figuring the population of New Mexico in
1710-14 at around 20,000 including Pueblo Indians and Spanish settlers, the
murder rate is one percent. The assault rate is four percent, while the rate
for rape during the years 1710-14 is one-fourth of one percent. This figure
indicates a low crime rate for the frontier.
Spanish justice was flexible and when a wrong was
done, the person to whom the harm had occured was often compensated by payment.
In addition, the criminal was subject to fines, sometimes banishment, jail for
a short time, or to being put to work "for the public good." Other
sentences were more severe. Murder rated exile to some horrible place like
Bernalillo (Sandia), Pecos, or Acoma, while if committed with malice, hanging
was standard fare.
Ramon de Medina brother of Josefa de Medina
The
early years of the eighteenth century saw a growth of court cases. Naturally,
the civil and criminal case load rose as did the population. Numerous cases
came before the governor and included crimes such as slander, desertion,
murder, assault, rape, wife-beating, and robbery. Two basic types of cases appeared in New
Mexican justice. A civil matter usually dealt with lawsuits for damages. For
example, in the suit of Miguel de Dios and Ramon de Medina over the death of
Dios' mule while in the care of Medina. When Dios sued for damages, the court
found Medina negligent and ordered him to pay Dios the cost of the mule. The value of mules and horses in the province
was undisputed, and the death or injury of such animals could prove to be a
financial disaster for the owner.
The
waning days of the Flores Mogollon’s administration a trial was held in Santa
Fe which involved the sons of Francisco
Xavier Romero concerning the deaths of cattle belonging to the Santa Cruz
Indians. “They admitted the offense, arguing that it was done in order to
prevent starvation of their families and since the natives never took good care
of the stock, there was little harm in killing a few cows. The government took
a different view. Anything that could upset the Indians was considered highly
dangerous. These men had killed cattle belonging to friendly natives. The men
were found guilty.”
Marriage of Diego Romero
and Josefa de Medina
Both of Diego Romero’s parents were dead when he
married Maria Josefa Medina in May 1714 at Santa Cruz. He was then listed as 25
years old [1689], a native of New Mexico and the son of Salvador Romero and
Maria Lopez de Ocanto, “deceased”, natives of New Mexico. Maria Josefa Medina was
listed as being 19 [1695] when she was probably closer to 26 years old [1688].
She was a native of New Mexico and the
time “living in Santa Fe, daughter of Captain Diego de Medina, deceased, and
Maria Telles Jiron, natives of New Mexico.
Her mother was evidently still living as a widow.
Diego Antonio Romero and María Josefa were married in
spite of a scandalous impediment which must have been dispensed by the church. An
impediments was brought up by witnesses Miguel Martin, Nicolas Sisneros, Francisco
Trujillo, and Pedro Sanchez de Inigo all natives of New Mexico who were
probably soldiers.
Thirty year old Miguel Martin
claimed that Diego had become engaged to a woman at El Real de Chihuahua. They other men were in the twenties and also
claimed that “groom was about to marry at San Pedro near Chihuahua, but that
the woman already had two children besides being pregnant at the time. Diego Romero responded to the accusations.
“Now
groom Diego Romero says it is false that he asked to marry one Ignacia de Solis
at Las Carretas, Chihuahua. He did have relations with her as with a woman of
the world, at which time she told an uncle of hers, Pedro Gonzales, that he had
ruined her; but she already had children, and the wife of Peres el Como knew
who had deflowered that Solis woman; hence he never gave her his word of
marriage.”
The
couple were married 15 May 1714 at Santa Cruz. “Diego Romero, (25), native of
New Mexico, son of Salvador Romero and Maria Lopez de Ocanto, deceased, natives
of New Mexico, and Maria Josefa Medina, (19), native of Nuevo México, living in Santa Fé, daughter of Captain Diego
de Medina, deceased, and Maria Telles Jiron, natives of New Mexico.”
“
Impediments brought up by witnesses: Miguel Martin (30), native of New Mexico, married, says that the groom
had become engaged to a woman at El Real de Chihuahua; Nicolas Sisneros (24), native
of New Mexico, single, and Francisco
Trujillo (22), native of Nuevo México, living in Santa Fé, married; Pedro Sanchez de
Inigo (26) native of New Mexico, married, who says that groom was about to
marry at San Pedro near Chihuahua, but that the woman already had two children
besides being pregnant at the time. Now groom Diego Romero says it is false
that he asked to marry one Ignacia de Solis at Las Carretas, Chihuahua He did
have relations with her as with a woman of the world, at which time she told an
uncle of hers, Pedro Gonzales, that he had ruined her; but she already had
children, and the wife of Peres el Como knew who had deflowered that Solis
woman; hence he never gave her his word of marriage.” The rest of the testimony
was incomplete. Witnesses to the marriage
were actually Nicolas Sisneros age 24
(1690) and Francisco Trujillo age 22 (1692) two of the young soldiers who had
testified at the prenuptial investigation.
Nicolas
Sisneros age was given as 22 years old, a couple of months later in a prenuptial
investigation between Captain Diego Arias de Quiros and Maria Gomez Robledo. She was the granddaughter of Francisco Gomez
Robledo who was a first cousin to Diego Romero’s grandfather Captain Diego
Romero. The prenuptial investigation
showed that she was married first to an Alonso Romero who was a bigamist like
Captain Diego Romero.
Nicolas Sisneros was married to Casilda Mestas in 1714. She was the daughter of Juan de Mestas Peralta and Maria Trujillo. She was an aunt to Casilda Mestas who would later married Diego and Josefa’s son Felipe Romero. The Francisco Trujillo mentioned was probably a relative of Maria Trujillo.
Pedro Sanchez de Inigo married to Maria Lujan circa 1698 and was living in Santa Fé. He was the illegitimate son of Juana Lopez de Aragon and Padre Fray Francisco Munoz, who Diego’s grandfather Captain Diego Romero had denounced in 1663. Maria Lujan was daughter of Matias Lujan and Francisca Romero de Pedraza, a descendant of Matia Romero.
“Now Groom Diego Romero says it is false that he asked
to marry one Ignacia de Solis at Las Carretas, Chihuahua. He did have relations
with her as with a woman of the world, at which time she told an uncle of hers,
Pedro Gonzales, that he had ruined her; but she already had children, and the
wife of Perea el Cojo knew who had deflowered that Solis woman; hence he never
gave her his word of marriage. (Incomplete) San Pedro de Alcantara.”
María Josefa Medina and Diego Antonio Romero were allowed
to marry despite the scandalous impediment. They lived at the community of Santa Cruz for
the remainder of their lives.
The Villa of
Santa Cruz de la Cañada
The Villa of Santa Cruz de la Cañada , although it was
called a villa, according to descriptions of the area in the early 18th century,
was described as having “no semblance of
a town”. Still Santa Cruz's Plaza was the spiritual and trading center of
the area during much the 18th Century and the town was the largest Spanish
community after Santa Fé .
Santa Cruz had a church but no resident priest. When
Josefa de Medina was a widow, a petition from the citizens of Santa Cruz to
build a new church to replace the smaller, older structure was forwarded to the
governor . The church wanted replaced a “structure that was reported to be in
danger of collapsing and beyond repair.” Obviously, that city was wealthy
enough to provide the funds for such construction. The governor received the license to build a new
church in Santa Cruz from the Viceroy.
The church was then built primarily with Pueblo Indian labor and the Santa
Cruz Church was described as having a
Franciscan priest in 1733. However many of the baptismal records of Santa Cruz prior to 1731 were lost as were prenuptial
investigations for Santa Cruz for much of the middle of the century.
It is difficult to determine thee children of Diego and Josefa because baptism records for Santa Cruz are missing before 1731 except for a few loose pages. Also, DMs (prenuptial investigations) are missing for much of the middle of the century, and in this period, the priests in Santa Cruz did not include the parents' names on marriage records.
Military
Service on the Frontier
When Diego Romero and Josefa de Medina began their
family, the population of Nuevo México was at around 20,000 which included only
around 1500 Spanish settlers as the rest were mainly Pueblo Indians. “An uneasy peace had prevailed
for nearly twenty years, but in 1715 a new state of unrest occured, caused in
part by poor conditions among the natives and in part by the Spanish. The threat of an insurrection among the
Pueblos kept the Spanish on high alert. Because of the desperate need for
manpower, few residents were permitted to leave and movement within the
province without governmental permission was not allowed. “The system of passes
was still in effect” as the “government tried to keep track of its residents,
for every man was needed to defend the area.”
On 3 June 1715 a muster roll of the Santa Fé garrison showed one hundred names which
contrasted with the number of 150 men who had signed a petition asking that
Nuestra Señora de los Remedios be made their patroness on 4 June in 1715. Diego Romero was probably not a permanent
soldier garrisoned at Santa Fé but
certainly would have been a citizen soldier when called upon.
Captain Diego Arias de Quiros
Captain
Diego Arias de Quiros age 54 [1660], a native of Asturias, Spain and 22 years
in New Mexico [1692], resident of Santa Fe. He was the son of Captain Juan Arias and Dona Ines Bernardo de Quiros
and was widowed of Maria Montoya who died
at San Ildefonso but was buried 1 year
and 6 months ago [1712] in Santa Fe church of San Francisco. On 18 July 1714 a
prenuptial investigation at San Ildefonso
showed that his intended bride was Dona Maria Gomez Robledo age 40
[1674] daughter of Captain Andres Gomez and
Dona Juana Ortiz, a native of New Mexico and residing at San Ildefonso. She had been married to “ Alonso Romero, who turned out to have a wife
in Toluca [Mexico] ; they were separated and he was exiled by the Holy Office”.
The witnesses were Baltasar Trujillo; Juan Trujillo (66) of Pojoaque, married;
Juan de Mestas (58) and Nicolas Sisneros (22), natives of New Mexico.
Diego
Arias and Maria Gomez Robledo were married 28 July 1714, with witnesses Capt. Ignacio de Roybal
and Dona Francisca Gomez Robledo.
Governor Félix Martínez de Torrelaguna 1715-1716
Felix Martinez de Torrelaguna was born in Alicante in
Valencia, Spain but was recruited in 1693 at Zacatecas as a senior officer
under Diego de Vargas. He fought well during the reconquest of New Mexico
serving as adjutant to Vargas, then as commander of El Paso del Norte, and from
1703 captain of the Santa Fe presidio On June 3, 1715 Felix Martinez assumed
command of the Santa Fe Presidial Company from Antonio Valverde y Cosío.
The Viceroy appointed Felix Martinez to succeed Juan
Ignacio Flores Mogollon as governor of New Mexico, and he took office in Santa
Fe on December 1, 1715. Martinez took over on November 23, 1715 and at once
issued orders. His first order prohibited carrying weapons in "cities,
towns and villages." The prohibition included knives, clubs, large swords,
pistols and carbines. Violations would be punishable by fine and/or jail. It is significant that the governor felt the
problem of too many weapons was worth dealing with to prevent violence.
Day
to day concerns also kept Martinez busy. In 1716 he ordered that all alcaldes
should see that the roads of the province were kept clear and secure and
roadsides should also be cleared to prevent bandits hiding in the bushes.
Campaign Against the Hopi
One
of the most important efforts of Martinez' administration was the continuing
campaign against the ever hostile Moqui (Hopi) Indians. This was more or less
an annual event in New Mexico. Despite the fact that the Moqui were not harming
anyone and their depredations were generally ineffective, the Spanish saw their
stand atop the mesas as defiance to Spanish order. Other Indians could look to
the Moqui and see that they were not crushed. The Spanish, always fearing
rebellion, believed that to conquer the Moqui would destroy the last
inclinations of resistance in New Mexico.
Martinez
planned to carry out his efforts against the Moqui by using Spanish soldiers
and Pueblo Indian allies. His idea was to force the Moqui to move to the Rio
Grande valley in order to prevent raiding. In 1716 Martinez gathered a
detachment of seventy Spanish soldiers from Santa Fe. He also levied a manpower
quota on the settlers in Albuquerque and Santa Cruz. Also, he ordered the
alcaldes of the pueblos to send men to help in the campaign. Diego Romero certainly would have
participated.
The
Moqui campaign began with peaceful gestures, such as the presentation of a
large cross and handfuls of tobacco. The Indians accepted these tokens of amity
but refused to come down from the heights. Pueblo Indian representatives were
sent in twice but failed to obtain results. Finally, Martinez, following the
advice of his junta de guerra decided to reduce the pueblos (there were three
mesas) by direct attack. He determined to starve out the natives so he burned
crops surrounding the mesas and ran off Moqui livestock. This did no good, and
after sixteen days of siege and facing a water shortage Martinez retreated to
the Rio Grande and the Moquis remained undefeated on their mesas.
Martinez' other major expedition was against the Utes and Comanches.
The Comanches were the dominant tribe in the
northeastern part of New Mexico. They were nomadic plains Indians that hunted
buffalo and moved as demanded by the movement of their food. The Comanches
raided Pueblo Indians for food and clothing. The Spanish found that their
threat had to be dealt with before the province's economy was destroyed. For
several hundred years, however, the Comanches had complete control of the
southern Great Plains, forcing the Spanish forcing to use Jicarilla Apache and
Carlana Apache as buffers against the Comanches. The Utes, on the other hand,
roamed the rugged lands just north of Taos into what is present-day Colorado.
This tribe was also nomadic and it preyed upon the tribes of the Rio Grande.
The Utes also controlled the San Luis Valley and the San Juan Mountains. Their
hunting grounds were the Sangre de Cristo Mountains, the San Juans, and the
Colorado Plateau. When the Spanish moved into New Mexico, the Utes were a
problem that needed to be solved. For over a hundred years nothing could be
done because the Utes dissolved into the Colorado mountains and all efforts to
bring them out of their wilderness hiding place were total failures.
Diego
de Vargas found the Utes to be strong adversaries when he visited the San Luis
Valley [Colorado] in 1696 as part of his pacification program around Taos. Martinez,
determined to stop raiding by these two tribes, sent 112 men to Taos in October
1716, where a few minor engagements resulted. However, no solid results were
obtained.
Dispute over Governorship of New Mexico
On
September 20, 1716 Governor Martinez was informed that he was being replaced by
Antonio Valverde y Cossio, a former captain of the presidio at El Paso del
Norte. The viceroy, hearing of the sorry state of affairs in New Mexico,
appointed Valverde to replace the incompetent Martinez. Martinez was then told
to report directly to the Viceroy Marques de Valero to explain his actions and
why the province was progressing so poorly.
Martinez
refused to turn over his records or to vacate the governor's palace. New Mexico
now had two governors as Valverde and Martinez vied for control of the
province. When Valverde went before the cabildo of Santa Fe to gain support for
his appointment, he was given its help. Martinez,
however, refused to recognize the new governor and continued issuing orders,
including permission for citizens to leave the province, as if nothing had
happened.
It
was only in 1717 that Felix Martinez left, first for El Paso del Norte and
then, under viceregal orders, to Mexico City. Before he left Santa Fe he
appointed Juan Paez Hurtado, scion of an old and distinguished New Mexican
family, to succeed him. This further complicated the situation, for now there
were two "governors"; one appointed by the viceroy and one elevated
by Martinez.
Hurtado's
first and only administrative act was the announcement of the betrothal of King
Philip V of Spain to Isabel Farnesio, Princess of Parma. While Hurtado was in nominal command at Santa
Fe, Martinez went on to Mexico City, taking with him former governor Juan
Ygnacio Flores Mogollon as a favorable witness.
Valverde
also was ordered to appear before the Viceroy Marques de Valero, who would
decide the legitimate governor of New Mexico. However, Valverde, under
viceregal orders to take Martinez to El Paso, claimed he was ill and remained
in Santa Fe. Valverde had no intention of becoming involved with Martinez at
Mexico City. Valverde took refuge with his friend Fray Juan de Tagle so that
his "illness" could be verified if necessary.
In
Mexico City charges were filed against Martinez, largely based on testimony of
Flores Mogollon In response, Martinez
filed counter-charges against Flores Mogollon and Valverde. After months of
litigation, Antonio Valverde y Cossio was finally confirmed governor of New
Mexico in 1718, a post he held for the normal five year term.
Governor Antonio Valverde y Cosío
1716-1721
Antonio
Valverde was appointed acting governor of New Mexico in 1716 however his term
began with the controversy caused by Felix Martinez. Martínez replaced Valverde
with Captain Juan Paez Hurtado but regained the governorship in 1718. The
turmoil that occurred did not represent the usual orderly transition of
government in the province.
Governor Valverde’s politics were based, in large
part, on stopping the French invasion of New Mexico. New rumors of the French
in the trans-Mississippi west arose once again in 1719. Valverde organized a
military expedition In September 1719 to
search for the Utes and Comanches, who were attacking Spanish and Pueblo
settlements in New Mexico. His force consisted of 60 Spanish soldiers, 45
Spanish settlers, and as auxiliaries, 465 Pueblo and 165 Apache Amerindians.
When Governor Valverde and his troops arrived to the
Arkansas River in Eastern Colorado, he was told by Apache allies that the
French had established five settlements in two villages on Pawnee lands west of the
Missouri River, "as big as Taos" in New Mexico. He also said that the
French were arming the Native Americans to fight the Spanish.
He did not encounter any Comanche or Utes
during the expedition. On his return to Santa Fe, he sent a report to the
viceroy explaining that the French were preparing to enter New Mexico and that
they were bribing the native tribes with gifts, including firearms.
On
January 10, 1720, Viceroy ordered Valverde to establish a fortification in El
Cuartelejo in order to prevent French expansion in the area. However, Valverde
suggested to the viceroy that the Jicarilla land, just 40 miles from Santa Fe
and with cultivated fields, would be a better choice. He noted that the Apaches
of El Cuartelejo, allies of the Spanish, were much more distant from Santa Fe
and had no supplies, so they could not adequately defend themselves from enemy
attacks; Valverde argued that the Spanish should help defend them.
At
the same time Governor Antonio Valverde was ordered by the viceroy to prepare
an expedition to punish some Comanche who raided near Taos, to reestablish the
presidio at El Cuartelejo, and finally to look for "white men"
presumed to be French.
The Pedro de Villasur Expedition
Disaster
Thus, in June 1720, Governor Valverde directed the
lieutenant governor, Pedro
de Villasur to lead an expedition of
forty-two Spanish soldiers, three settlers, and sixty Indian allies to check the growing French influence in the Great
Plains and capture French traders there. Also included in the expedition was a
Frenchman, Jean l'Archeveque, a survivor of the La Salle expedition, who had
since cast his fortunes with the Spanish.
By
August, 1720 the Pedro de Villasur group reached the South Platte River, having
marched across eastern Colorado. Here they sighted a Pawnee encampment. The
Spanish camped nearby and tried to talk with the Indians. In the ensuing
conversations, they learned that Europeans were living in the Pawnee village. The Spanish wrote to them in French but got no
reply. Meanwhile the Pawnee stampeded the New Mexican's livestock and attacked
their camp site. They killed all but thirteen Spaniards and twelve Indians. The
badly mauled expedition fled back to Santa Fe, arriving there on September 6,
1720.
It
is very doubtful that Diego Romero was a part of the disastrous Villasur
expedition but as a military man he would have well aware of it. He probably
participated in Valverde's other Indian campaigns especially the annual attempt
to conquer the Moqui [Hopi]. Despite raising an assault force in 1721, Valverde
never managed to get started as that the
Spanish government sent Juan de Estrada y Austria as juez de residencia
(resident judge), and Valverde was too busy attending to him to continue the
Indian wars.
“As
governor, Valverde was little more than a caretaker until a governor from New
Spain could be appointed. His administration saw little advance. He did
organize several Indian campaigns, including what became known as the Villasur
disaster. He was able to keep the judicial and governmental systems of New
Mexico functioning until his successor arrived. Valverde finished his term in New Mexico in 1721, when the viceroy of
New Spain appointed Juan Estrada de Austria as the new temporary governor of
the province. Juan de Estrada y Austria
and Valverde was too busy attending juicio de residencia to continue the Indian
wars. A juicio de residencia (literally, judgment of residence) was a judicial
procedure at the termination of a public functionary's term, his performance in
office was subject to review, and those with grievances against him were
entitled to a hearing. Juan de Estrada was
an acting governor in 1721 and served
until Juan Domingo de Bustamante was appointed governor.
“The period from 1713-1723
was one of continued defense, limited growth, and mediocre government.
Infighting among various officials did little to help New Mexico develop, and
Bustamante's arrival was the first real hope for New Mexico's future since the death
of Vargas. In Bustamante, it was hoped New Mexico had a governor who was
willing to help the province grow and prosper.
Governor Juan Domingo de Bustamante 1723-1731
Governor Bustamante was the nephew and brother-in-law
of Antonio Valverde y Cosio. In 1722
Bustamante was part of the military garrison at the Presidio de El Paso de Río
del Norte, in Santa Fe de Nuevo México, where he served as Lieutenant Captain. Bustamante
organized only one Indian campaign, that of 1723, and it proved a total
failure.
1724 Trouble with the French
In
1724 Bustamante faced a major crisis. The problem was not the Indians, but the
discovery that New Mexicans were trading with Frenchmen. trade with foreigners
in Spanish America was illegal. This was indeed a disturbing development for
the government. Testimony indicated that residents of Taos traded with French
intruders during the early 1720s. However, the reports also showed that nobody
could report actually seeing a Frenchman, casting considerable doubt as to the
whereabouts of the intruders. Most probably the goods, without question French,
came from the Jicarilla Apache who obtained them from tribes to the east.
In
the same year (1724), Governor Bustamante ordered that Spanish residents in New
Mexico should guard the territory and warn authorities if they saw French
merchants moving about the province, as he had heard rumors about the French
were selling their products in Taos, which was dangerous to Spanish acclaim in
the region. This was because the French wanted to occupy areas in New Mexico
and Texas and to do so they had to first establish good relations with the
local population, and only then establish a "permanent base" there.
The
governor also had matters from Spain to consider. In 1724 he ordered the
publication of a royal cedula explaining that King Philip V had abdicated in
favor of his son Louis. In 1725 he
notified the public that King Louis I had died on August 31, 1724. Later that
same year Bustamante published a decree that Philip V had restored himself to
the throne.
The Comanches-Jicarillas Indian War 1724
In
November 1723, the number of soldiers in the Santa Fe presidio seems to have
increased, as at that time, Bustamante
led a troop of fifty men into the territory of the Jicarillas an Apache tribe
that lived near the Wichita River, in order to explore and colonize the region.
However, the inhabitants of this region, which had already been Christianized
by the missionaries, submitted peacefully and voluntarily to the governor.
This made the Comanches fear that both peoples (the
Spaniards and the Jicarillas) would attack them, instead of just one of them.
To avoid this, the Comanches decided to attack and destroy the mentioned Apache
region at the beginning of 1724. Thus, a
war between the Comanche-Jicarilla peoples broke out in the El Gran Sierra de
Fierro, located in the modern-day Texas panhandle.
The
Comanches took the Jicarilla territory for five days. After this, the Comanches
took with them an undetermined number of women and children as prisoners, while
the Jicarillas were forced to accept such a capture. After this, the Comanches set fire a series of
villages in the Jicarilla’s territory,
which caused the death of many of its inhabitants, except for
seventy-four people (mostly adult men, but also some women and children).
After
knowing of the attack on the Jicarillas, Governor Bustamante held a junta de
guerra to discuss the possibility of organizing an expedition against the
Comanche who continued to raid Jicarilla lands. In early 1724 the Comanche had
forced the Jicarilla to give up half their women and children, and then they
burned several villages, killing all but sixty-nine men, two women, and three
boys. In response Juan Paez Hurtado was
ordered to get together an expedition of 100 men. No doubt the Spanish were unable to find and
engage the elusive Comanche, so that this expedition probably ended as had so
many other efforts at Indian control. This is another campaign that Diego Romero,
who was 35 years old probably assisted.
Juan
Paez Hurtado’s troop did not find the Comanches and did not go to the Jicarilla
territory. This was because the officials in Mexico City, capital of New Spain,
were undecided whether to subject the Jicarilla territory to Spanish rule,
which was key to helping the Jicarillas against the Comanches. Later, however,
Bustamante established a peace agreement with both the Comanches and the
Jicarillas. The New Mexicans, trying to
protect Jicarilla villages from raids by the Comanche, requested a presidio be
established among the Jicarillas.
Pedro de Rivera Brigadier Inspector
“In
the wake of the Villasur disaster, Mexico City sent an inspector to the
frontier to determine what problems the New Mexicans faced and how the
situation was handled.” Pedro de Rivera was appointed in 1724 but only arrived
in New Mexico in 1727 after he toured Texas and northern New Spain, for three
years. In a major effort to bring information back to the viceroy, Rivera
travelled into all corners of the empire.
“The
Brigadier inspected New Mexican defenses and, in an effort to cut costs,
proposed several plans, that while money saving, were totally impractical for
New Mexico.” In general, the Rivera inspection was of little use in New Mexico
for he was unfamiliar with the area and therefore could not make appropriate
recommendations.
Among
the things that Rivera decided against was the establishment of a new presidio
among the Jicarilla Apache. The
Jicarilla were valuable allies of the Spanish living in the northeastern sector
of the province. They were a semi-Christianized nomadic tribe who early on
became friends of the Spanish. The Jicarillas were supposed to have been
protected by the Spanish since they were the main buffer between the Pueblo
tribes of the river valleys and the hostile Comanche to the east.
The
viceroy granted permission for a presidio among the Jicarilla, but the plan was
short-lived because in 1727 Rivera suggested that the Jicarilla be encouraged
to migrate to Taos, where they could settle. “Afraid to mix Apaches with the
Pueblo natives and not liking the idea of "non-Christian" Indians
living so close to Spanish settlements such as Santa Cruz and Santa Fe, the
idea was quickly vetoed.”
This
impasse resulted in the Jicarilla being absorbed by the Comanche and Ute,
leaving northeastern New Mexico without a buffer. Hence, New Mexico was
thwarted by a man who knew little of the actual conditions of the frontier and
who, to save a little money, was willing to ignore Bustamante's pleas that the
Jicarilla should be protected.
Finally,
in 1727 Governor Bustamante requested the Viceroy of New Spain to send several
troops to New Mexico in order to investigate a group of Frenchmen who,
according to him, had been in El Cuartelejo, located in modern-day Kansas, and
Chinali, a region near Santa Fe.
“Bustamante's administration also faced most of the same problems that burdened his predecessors. He ordered that trade with unchristianized Indians be stopped and that the Spanish leave the Indians at Pecos pueblo alone. Of course, he had to deal with the normal court cases, both civil and criminal.” Bustamante governed New Mexico until 1731, when he was replaced by Gervasio Cruzat y Góngora There seems, however, to have been less activity in the criminal courts than prior to 1722. The number of cases dealing with Spaniards also declined during this period. The number of civil cases remained about the same.
Bustamante's
term, though interesting, was not as dynamic as might have been expected. There
was little trouble among officials in although the cabildo of Santa Fe suffered
from internal difficulties.
“On
the whole, Bustamante did little more than hold New Mexico for Spain. He initiated
no new expansion, yet he did manage to secure a shaky peace with the Apache and
Comanche. The Rivera visit had a good deal to do with this inactivity. Rivera
vetoed nearly everything the governor proposed for the defense of New Mexico.
Bustamante tried scare tactics to force the viceroy to hand over more funds and
soldiers, but he failed. With Spain at war with France in Europe all the
Americas suffered from lack of funds and soldiers. Understandably New Mexico,
the most remote part of New Spain, received little attention. Even the Rivera
visit was one of retrenchment, not one of dynamic expansion.
Between 1722 and 1729, Diego Romero and Josefa de
Medina had four more children, two daughters and two sons. They were Juan Diego
Romero, Paula Gregoria Romero, Maria Tomása Romero, and Juan Gabriel Romero.
There may have been more children who died as infants but theses are the
children known for certain. An Apache named Juan Luis Romero may have been an
offspring of Diego Romero or perhaps just a captured servant.
In 1728 there was a devastating smallpox epidemic in Nuevo México with more than 300 Pueblo Indians dying from the epidemic. Many more were not recorded by the mission priests because the Indians insisted that their dead be buried secretly with native rites.
Diego Romero’s infant son Gabriel Romero died in 1728 and Diego Romero died on 9 February 1729 at Santa Cruz, when he was 39-40 years old. It is not known how he died. In 1729 small pox was reported at the pueblo Acoma, lasting two years. Whether he died from a disease, and accident or simply worn out from the constant soldiering is not known but it must have taken a toll to die at that age. He left Josefa de Medina a widow with perhaps 8 minor children under the ages of 15 years.
In 1730 the Bishop of Durango, Fray Benito Crespo, visited Nuevo México and reported on conditions there. Bishop Crespo recommended that priests be placed in each Spanish settlement. When he visited Santa Cruz, he noted it was "very fertile for grains." He gave no population figures for this area however but Nuevo México continued to grow slowly.
Probable
Children of Diego Romero and Josefa de Medina
Felipe Romero was born circa 1714 and married Casilda Mestas daughter of Mateo Mestas and Maria Rafela Cortes de Castilla in 1744.
Maria Juana Lorenza Romero de Medina was born circa 1716 and died 1786 age 70. She was married three times to Pedro Antonio Martin Serrano, Gregorio Ignacio López, and Francisco Montez Vigil. On 26 May 1743 Juana Romero and Gregorio Lopez sponsored Paulin Antonio, a son of Miguel Espinosa and Ana Manefru. Later on 24 Dec1743 they sponsored Tomás Juan, son of Jose Fresquí and Polonia Vigil. Juana Romero had a son Juan Baptista Vigil born 29 April 1746 by Francisco Montes Vigil. The child’s sponsors were Juan Baptista Gonzales and Maria Rosalia Herrera. A daughter Manuela dela Encarnasion Vigil was christened 28 March 1748 by Francisco Montes Vigil. Her sponsors were “Captain Pedro Sanches” and Michaela Quintana.
Salvador Romero was born circa1718 and died 1793 about at the age of 75 years. He married Maria Paula Mascarenas probably circa 1748. He sponsored along with his mother Josefa de Medina Cristobal de la Cruz Martin on 2 May 1745, the son of Juan Martin and Feliciana Mondragon who was the daughter of Juan Alonso Mondragón and Sebastiana Trujillo. Feliciana was the granddaughter of Sebastian Mondragon y Monroy who was Salvador Romero’s uncle. Salvador Romero also sponsored along with his sister in law Casilda Mestas, Antonio Julian, son of Jose Cordova and “Pasquala” Fernandez 3 February 1747. As a Sponsor he was listed as “Salbador Medina” and Casilda Mestas. On 24 February 1747 they sponsored Antonio Cordova, the son of Gregorio Cordova and Barbara Casanga.
Juan Pedro Romero was born circa 1720 perhaps much earlier as this person had a daughter Manuela Gertrudis Romero christened 6 January 1734 in Santa Cruz. His wife was Maria de Atencio and Ysidro Medina and Catharina Martin sponsored the child. Ysidro Medina was Juan Pedro’s uncle and brother to Josefa Medina. However the age of Juan Pedro Romero may be off as if he was born circa 1720 he would have been only 14 years old when Manuela Romero was christened.
Candelaria Lopez Romero was born circa 1722 and died 1766 age 46 in Picuris Pueblo, Taos, Nuevo México. She was the wife of Salvador dela Cruz. She had a son Juan Felipe dela Cruz, christened 5 April 1748 with his grandmother Josefa de Medina and Uncle Salvador Romero acting as sponsors.
Juan Diego Romero was born circa 1724 and married Gertrudis Tafoya Altamirano the “natural” daughter of Cristobal de Tafoya Altamirano. Diego Romero may have also been married to Paula Sandoval as they acted as sponsors for Josefa Cortes, the daughter of Peter Cortes and Juana Gamboa.
Paula Gregoria Romero de Medina was born circa 1724 and died 1789 at Chimayo. She married Juan Francisco Mascarenas, the brother of Maria Paula Mascarenas. They were the children of Francisco Mascarenas and Juana Antonia López Lujan. Paula Gregoria Romero and Juan Francisco Mascarenas sponsored Luis Maria Romero, the son of Juan Luis Romero and Maria Guadalupe dela Cruz and on 15 May 1743. Juan Luis was listed as an Apache. On 27 March 1745 Paula and Francisco sponsored Antonio de Espinosa, son of Miguel de Espinosa and Anamaria Fajardo. The following year on 7 March 1746 they sponsored Julian Cordova, son of Juan Antonio Cordova and Manuela Pascuala. Rosalia Mascarenas, a daughter of “Juan Mascarenas and Paula Romero” was christened 1 May 1747 with Salvador Romero being a sponsor. Another daughter named Maria Paula Mascarenas was born in 1755 according to a prenuptial Investigation from 2 Nov 1774.
“Santa Cruz. Juan Antonio Sandoval (25), adopted son
of Jose Sandoval and Antonia Romero, and Maria Paula Mascarenas (19 born 1755),
daughter of (torn) Mascarenas and Paula Romero. Witnesses: Joaquin Garcia de
Noriega, notary; Juan Trujillo (57) of Chimayo, and Juan Hurtado (47).
Another
prenuptial Investigation taken on
6 February 1778 revealed that they had a son named “Juan Crisostomo Mascarenas,
of San Buenaventura de Chimayo, son of Juan Mascarenas and Paula Romero” who
married Maria Candelaria Cordova (19 born 1759), Espanola of the same place,
daughter of Jose Cordova and Pascuala Fernandez. Witnesses: Joaquin Garcia de
Noriega, notary; Julian Martin (28 born 1750), Bernardo Mascarenas (38 born
1740).
A month later on 26 Mar 1778 a prenuptial
Investigation listed “Toribio Mascarenas
(26 born 1752), Espanol of San Buenaventura de Chimayo, son of Juan Mascarenas
and Paula Romero”, married Manuela Luz Cordova (20) of the same place, daughter
of Jose Cordova, deceased, and Maria Pascuala Fernandez. Witnesses: Joaquin
Garcia de Noriega, notary; Joaquin Mestas (48), Francisco Garcia (29).
Maria Tomása Romero born circa 1726 and died on 6 September 1798, in Rio Arriba, Nuevo México. She married Jose Garcia de Albear a son of Manuel Garcia and Maria de Estrella and Manuel Antonio Ortiz. Jose Garcia de Albear, was a native of San Juan del Rio in Nueva España, made his last will in 1754. In it he states that is second wife was Tomása Romero sister of Salvador Romero and Felipe Romero of Santa Cruz. He said he had been married for twenty years to his first wife, Maria de Guadalupe y Mendoza, who had no children. By his second, Tomása Romero of Santa Cruz, they had seven children: Maria (dead), Juan Antonio (dead), Isabel, (dead), Nicolas Antonio, Maria Josefa, and Antonio Jose. The seventh is not named.
Josefa Garcia de Albear married Juan Luis de Herrera “Luis
Febre” on 7 April 1754 and had a son in
1770 named Tomás de Herrera. In 1792 a prenuptial
investigation was done when he wanted to marry Maria Guadalupe Sisneros, Policarpio
Sisneros and Catalina Atencio. The prenuptial investigation relationship
determined that Tomás Garcia and Maria Guadalupe Sisneros were both descendants
of Maria Zapata’s daughter Josefa de Medina.
Antonia Mariana Romero was christened 2 April 1727 as the daughter of Diego Romero and Josefa Medina at Santa Cruz
Juan Gabriel Romero 1728-1728 died as an infant.
Juan Luis Romero was listed as an Apache who married Maria Guadalupe dela Cruz. They had a son Luis Maria Romero who was christened 5 May 1743 Juan Francisco Mascarenas and Paula Gregoria Romero being sponsors.
Governor Gervasio
Cruzat y Góngora 1731-1735
Josefa de Medina was widowed when Gervasio Cruzat y
Gongora took office as Governor of Nuevo México
in 1731, succeeding Juan Domingo de Bustamante. The province at that
time mostly consisted of a strip of irrigated land along the Rio Grande
occupied by Pueblo Indians and Spanish settlers, surrounded by Plains Indians
such as Navajo, Comanche and Apache. Records from Cruzat's term as governor
include many cases dealing with questions of cattle and land, indicating that
the economy of Nuevo México was prospering.
After Diego Romero passed away, Governor Cruzat
permitted Fray José de Irigoyen of San Ildefonso to build a new church in Santa
Cruz, using Indian laborers, as a “public works project for the benefit of the
colony”. Church records at Santa Cruz prior to 1731 were mostly lost when the
new chapel was built. Baptismal records of Santa Cruz revealed that Josefa de
Medina and her children acted as “los padrinos” or godparents for many children
born in the town.
“Josepha de Medina” and her teenage son Felipe Romero
acted as sponsors to an unnamed son of
Juan Joseph de la Cruz and Josepha de Espinosa in Santa Cruz on 31
August 1732. Again on 26 December 1732 they acted as godparents to child of
“Antonio Martin and Juana Medina.” Sixteen year old Juana Medina was a teenage
sister of Felipe and daughter of Josefa who had
married Pedro Antonio Martin Serrano perhaps earlier in 1732.
Governor Cruzat issued an order on 23 June 1733 that
all citizens of Nuevo México be prepared for military duty. The order probably affected
Josefa Romero’s oldest sons, 19 year old Felipe Romero and 15 year old Salvador
Romero. Cruzat’s ordered that all
citizens of Nuevo México be ready to
pass muster, indicated again that the defense of Nuevo México was uppermost.
The following year Juan Paez Hurtado held a junta de Guerra,
a war cabinet, at Albuquerque to discuss a possible Apache campaign. However,
nothing came of this proposal and there was no further military action during
Cruzat's term of office. Other than the one small campaign against the Apache,
the Cruzat government was, “at best, dull”
The Widow
Josefa de Medina
After the death of her husband
Josefa de Medina probably was supported by her older son on her husbands
rancho. As with almost all Spanish Women
their lives revolved around their children, their home, and their church.
Her eldest son Felipe Romero was probably a soldier
and married in 1735, but he himself was widowed by 1741. It was over a decade
since Josefa de Medina acted as a sponsor of infants at Santa Cruz , however
when she was about 55 years old, she, along with her son unmarried son Salvador
Romero, sponsored Maria Barbara, a daughter of Marcial Martin Serrano and Gabriela Atencio on 16 December 1744. Marcial Martin Serrano was a descendant of
Luisa de Ocanto the aunt of Diego Romero
. The following Spring, on 1 May 1745,
Josefa de Medina and her son Salvador Romero also sponsored Juan Felipe, the son
of Ygnacio Pacheco and “Marta” Martin Serrano who was Maria Margarita the daughter
of Juan Francisco Martín Serrano.
The next day on 2 May 1745 Josefa de Medina and
Salvador sponsored Cristobal dela Cruz,
a son of Juan Antoino Martin Serrano and Feliciana Mondragon who was the
daughter of Juan Alonso Mondragón and Sebastiana Trujillo and wife of Juan
Antonio Martín Serrano. She was the
granddaughter of Sebastian Mondragon de Monroy the brother of Sebastiana
Mondragon who was Salvador Romero’s great grandmother.
Josefa de Medina sponsored her granddaughter, “Maria
Rita, daughter of Felipe Romero and Casilda Mestas on 12 November 1747 with a man simply
recorded as “Tiburcio” possibly Tiburcio
Varela. Five months later on 5 April 1748 Josefa
Medina and her son Salvador Romero sponsored her grandson Juan Felipe son of “Salvador dela Cruz and Candelaria
Lopez”.
Josefa
de Medina remained a widow for 20 years when she died in October 1749 at the
age of 61 in Santa Cruz or nearby.
The De Medina and Téllez Girón Families
Captain José Téllez Girón
Captain
José Téllez Girón [Jiron] was born circa 1631 at Los Altos de San Jacinto de Cuyoacan, New
Spain. He died after1695, Santa Fe.
Jose
Telles Jiron had the encomiendas of San Felipe and Cochiti in 1661. He was
married and had four children. He was living at Senecu in 1667, when he
declared that he was thirty-five or thirty-six years of age, and a native of
Los Altos de San Jacinto in Cuyoacan. His wife was Catalina Romero. In 1680 he
escaped with the refugees taking his wife, three sons and four daughters. The
next year he stated that he was forty-nine and married. In 1684 his family was
among those in dire need at Ysleta del Paso. He and his wife were still living
in that area in 1695, hence they did not return with the Reconquest.
The three sons were adults in 1681 and so passed muster: Jose, Juan, Rafael. Two known daughters were Maria Zapata, who later married Diego de Medina, Isabel, who became the wife of Jacinto Sanchez de Inigo. Fray Angelico Chavez, Origins of New Mexico Families In the Spanish Colonial Period, MCMLIV, The Historical Society of New Mexico, Santa Fe, NM, p. 106.
Captain
José Téllez Girón was married to doña Maria Catalina Romero the daughter of
Matias Romero and Isabel de Pedraza. She was a granddaughter of Bartolome
Romero and Luisa Robledo and first cousin to Captain Diego Romero. Catalina
Romero was born about 1653, in Nuevo México She died on 26 September 1718, in
Santa Fé, Nuevo México, Viceroyalty of New Spain, at the age of 66.
In
1682,at the refugee settlement of San
Pedro de Alcántara, a Rafael Telles Jiron married Mariana de Esparza, a native
of New ‘Mexico and daughter of Pedro
Montoya de Esparza and Luisa Lucero de
Godoy, both deceased.” This shows how the Zacatecas recruit was a different
Montoya, the Pedro Montoya “el Viejo” mentioned in 1664 as being the son-in-law
of Pedro Lucero and the nephew (by marriage) of an Antonia Gonzalez.
!11 Jun 1682: DM (no., 2), El Paso del Norte. Rafael
Telles Jiron (18), single, n. of New Mexico, son of Capt. Jose Telles Jiron and
Da. Catarina Lopez Romero, natives of New Mexico, and Da. Mariana de Esparza
(22), single, n. of New Mexico, d. of Pedro Montoya de Esparza and Da. Luis
Lucero de Godoy, both deceased. Witnesses: Capt. Hernando Martin Serrano 978),
stationed at El Real de S. Pedro Alcantara, who knew groom since his birth;
Alonso Maese (40), res. of New Mexico who always knew the groom; Capt. Roque
Madrid (37) who always knew the bride; Domingo Martin Serrano (34), n. of New
Mexico. Pair married, July 21, 1682, with witnesses Francisco Lucero and Da.
Teresa, and Juan del Rio.
One
daughter was named Jacinta Téllez Girón and another named Maria Zapata. He
listed five daughters and five dependents. He stated that he has a daughter, a
young woman named Juana José Téllez, living with his brother, Juan Téllez
Girón. He wrote writes to his son to bring her. He also states that he has two
other children, Lucia and Catalina, and five dependents, named Gertrudis,
Maria, Josefa, and Isabel, and Nicolas. “As a loyal vassal of his majesty, he
is quite ready to enter whenever I, the governor and captain general, enter to
settle this kingdom.”
María Zapata Téllez Girón
Maria
Zapata was born circa 1674 and died December 4, 1761, age 87 outliving many of
the children she raised. She appeared on
the Don Diego de Vargas census dated 22 Dec 1692 to 2 Jan 1693 in El Paso del
Norte, Nuevo Méjico with in Captain José Téllez Girón’s residence, which was the
fifth household enumerated.
She
was born in Santa Fe, New Mexico."
When María married Diego, she was 15 years older than him and had four
orphan children named María [de la Rosa] (age 7), Josefa (age 6), Ramón (age
6), and Isidro José (age 4) counted in the 1692-93 El Paso census in her
father's house before the return to New Mexico.[2]
María
Zapata, age 44, stated that she had been recruited in El Paso, and that she
prepared five persons for the journey - herself and her four children.
Maria
Zapata Telles Jiron is named as the mother of a son named Isidro Medina in 1717.
“Isidro Medina age 25 [1792], son of Capt. Diego de Medina
(deceased) and Maria Telles Jiron.” He married 3 May 1717 Catarina Martin age 18 daughter of
Cristobal Martin and Maria Montoya. His
birth year was two years before Maria Zapata and Captain Diego married in 1694.
Captain Diego de Medina
Diego
Medina was born Abt. 1674 in Durango, Mexico, and died Bef. 1717 in Santa Fe,
New Mexico. He married Maria Zapata Telles Jiron February 07, 1694 in Santa Fe,
New Mexico, daughter of Jose Jiron and Catalina Romero. They had at least three
children together: Juana, Antonia, and Lugarda. There are other children named
Medina that could be their children but without evidence it is impossible to
connect them.
26
Jan 1694: DM (no. 23), Santa Fe. DIEGO DE MEDINA (20), n. of the City of
Durango and New Mexico soldier, parents unknown, and Da. Maria Zapata, d. of
Capt. Jose Telles Jiron and Catarina Romero, vecinos of Sta. Fe. --Witnesses:
Carlos Diaz (22), n. of Puebla de los Angeles; Domingo de la Barrera (30), n.
of the City of Zamora in the Realms of Castile; Pedro Lopez (30), n. of New
Mexico who knew bride from her first years, and Juan Griego (29), n. of New
Mexico. Pair married, Feb. 7, 1694, with witnesses Capt. Roque Madrid and Juana
Lopez.
Diego
de Medina stated in his marriage investigation that he did not know his
parents’ names. According to the records for the colonists that came to New
Mexico from Mexico City in 1695, Juan de Medina said he was the son of Melchor de Medina and Josefa Ortiz.
Juan de Medina was twenty, [1675] and
born in Mexico City. He was described as
tall, long faced, with large eyes, a thick nose, and a scar on the left cheek.
His wife was Juana Marquez, twenty-six,
of medium height, with a dark aquiline face and
big eyes. This Juan was perhaps the
carpenter who made the altar for the
Conquistadora Chapel in 1714.
Juan
Lorenzo de Medina and his wife Antonia
Sedano were among the colonists of 1693.‘ He was twenty years old, [1673] the
son of José, and born in Mexico City, of medium height, with joined eyebrows,
large eyes and nose. She was fourteen,
the daughter of Pedro Sedano and a native of Querétaro, fair and pockmarked, with a scar on the left
eye brow.” Her sister, Josefa, was the wife of Nicolés
Jiron. It is not known if Juan Lorenzo
and Antonia had any children. He was married a second time, to Juana Anaya-Almazan,
by whom he had Juan Francisco, Maria Antonia, and Margarita Antonia.‘ during
five years of married life up until his
death. He died on 4 July 1731
In
1704, Diego was a retired Capitán in the Spanish military. He was recruited to
join a group of Spanish and Pueblo soldiers under the command of the Marqués de
la Nava Brazinas, governor and captain-general, to hunt down and recover the
property stolen by an Apache group.
"No.
99, de la Nava Brazinas, Marques. Santa Fe, March 27-April 2, 1704. War edicts
and recital of operations of campaign initiated by the governor and
captain-general against the Faraon Apaches, etc., led by him in person."
"On
the thirtieth day of the said month and year of this date, in this said parade
ground and post of Bernalillo, the men at arms, and those of the Teguas, Pecos
and Queres nations, being gathered together, I gave the order to Capt. D. Felix
Martinez to have the war drum sounded to review (the people) in order to verify
their number and names in these edicts, noting first the Maestre de Campo,
Roque Madrid, his lieutenant general of cavalry, Joseph Dominguez, the Captain,
the said Don Felix Martinez, his officer, Martin Hurtado, the Royal Officer, D.
Juan Manuel de Vargas, the Adjutant of the governor, D. Anto Macario Maldonado
y Zapata, and civil and military secretary, (includes) the retired Captain,
Diego de Medina..."
Captain Diego De Medina involved in Marriage Dispute
"1697,
Oct. (no. 11), Santa Fe. MIGUEL DE SANDOVAL MARTINEZ (18), native of Mexico
City in the parish of Santa. Catarina Martir, soldier, son of Juan de Dios
Sandoval Martinez and Juana Hernandez, deceased, and Lucia Gomez (18), native
of Santa Fe, daughter of Andres Gomez,
deceased, and Dona Juana Ortiz, natives of New Mexico. Pair engaged one year,
but the bride's mother and other relatives and in-laws are against the
marriage, even threatening the groom with death.
The
latter formally petitions the friars, and the bride is then removed from her
mother's house in the presence of Notary Don Jose Manuel Giltomey, Capt. Diego
Medina, and Capt. Diego Arias, Alcalde Ordinaria; she is then deposited in the
latter's home, where she persists in her intention to marry the groom.
--Witnesses: Antonio Isassi de Aguilera (44), Regidor, who knew groom in Mexico
City since he was 5 yrs. old; Capt. Diego Arias de Quiros ( 41), Alcalde
Ordinaria; Francisco Romero de Pedraza (64), n. of Santa Fe and uncle of the
bride; Salvador de Santisteban (17), soldier; Jose de Atienza, res. of Sta.
Cruz. Pair married, Oct. 28, 1697, with witnesses Capt. Diego Arias and Ana
Maria Pacheco. "
Children of Maria Zapata and Diego de Medina:
Ramon de Medina
Ramon de Medina, soldier of Santa Fe, the son of Captain Diego de Medina, deceased, and Maria Telles Jiron, had been married to a Juana Rodriguez. After her death he married Valentina Montes de Oca.‘ 26 Sep 1718:
DM (no. 1), Santa Fe. Ramon Medina (30), Presidio soldier, widowed of Juana Rodriguez buried in Sta. Fe church, son of Capt. Diego de Medina, deceased, and Maria Telles Jiron, and Valentina Montes de Oca (22), d. of Pedro Montes de Ocarina's and Beatriz Sedillo, deceased. Witnesses: Jose Manuel Giltomey, notary; Bernardo Fernandez (45), Ventura Esquibel (33), Felipe Pacheco (31), all soldiers, and Jose de Armijo (30). Pair married, Oct. 9, 1718, with witnesses Miguel Tenorio de Alba and wife Agustina Romero. Agustina Romero was the sister of Diego Romero who married Josefa de Medina the sister of Ramon.
The early years of the eighteenth century saw a growth of court cases. Miguel de Dios sued Ramon de Medina over the death of Dios' mule while in the care of Medina. When Dios sued for damages, the court found Medina negligent and ordered him to pay Dios the cost of the mule. The value of mules and horses in the province was undisputed, and the death or injury of such animals could prove to be a financial disaster for the owner.
Juana de Medina
Isidro de Medina
Rosa de Medina
Lugarda de Medina
Diego de Medina
Maria Josefa de Medina
Antonia Catarina de Medina
"Medina DNA Project, July 8, 2014.
A
synopsis of Marilyn’s article and other sources tell us: That it appears that
Capitan Diego de Medina is the progenitor for the Medina name in New Mexico. The
article and other sources indicate that Capitan Diego de Medina was married to
María Zapata Telles Jirón and they had the following children. Diego Medina, born in New Mexico; died Bef.
1750 in New Mexico. Lugarda Medina, born in New Mexico. Maria Antonia Catarina
Medina, born in New Mexico; died Bef. 1779. Rosa Medina, born in New Mexico. Jose
Ysidro Medina, born Abt. 1692 in Santa Fe, New Mexico Ramon Medina, born 1694
in New Mexico. He married (1) Juana Rodriguez2; died Bef. 1718 in Santa Fe, New
Mexico. He married (2) Valentina Montes de Oca Oct 09, 1718 in Santa Fe, New
Mexico; born 1696. Juana Josefa Medina, born 1695 in New Mexico; died Bef. 1749
in New Mexico. Juana Medina, born 1700 in New Mexico. From the list above we
see that there are three males with potential of passing the Medina surname and
YDNA of Captain Diego de Medina.
The
question to be answered is which of the three boys are legitimate, all, some or
none. The article states that in the 1693 census his wife before their marriage
had four orphans in her house. The names of the orphans are listed as Maria,
Josefa, Ramon and Isidro Jose. The article suggests that these children must
have been taken under the wings of Diego and given his surname.
At
this point the majority of those tested have paper trails that trace back to
Jose Ysidro Medina and the YDNA data is suggesting that Jose Ysidro may have
been an orphaned Duran y Chavez child and the same one listed in the 1693
census.
Results
for Diego Jr. are Native American and lastly we have not been able to find any
living male descendants of Ramon to test. Diego Jr. is not named on the orphan
list and clearly born after Captain Diego and his wife Maria are married, so is
he the true legitimate son of Captain Diego suggesting that the Captain was of
paternal Indian descent.
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